When President Donald Trump sent American special forces to snatch Venezuela’s dictator, Nicolás Maduro, in January, it did not sound as though restoring democracy was his priority. He boasted endlessly about how he now controlled Venezuela’s oil, while barely mentioning the country’s political future. He installed as interim president Delcy Rodríguez, the deposed despot’s widely hated deputy. Many worried that without a strong American commitment to a democratic transition, the old, brutal kleptocracy would carry on.
So speed matters. That is more than enough time; after the fall of the Berlin Wall, several former Soviet vassal states organised free elections within a year. In the meantime the United States must disclose how much oil money it has collected, how much has been returned to Venezuela, and which sanctions impede disbursement. An elected government should take full control of the oil revenues from its first day in office.
America should insist that Venezuela will hold a presidential election in 2027.
An initial round of negotiations between Venezuela’s regime and figures from the opposition ended on August 12th with a modest agreement to begin a process of judicial reform, including of the Supreme Court. Our reporting finds reasons for optimism. Further talks could produce, by December, reforms that could allow for fair elections. The opposition leader, María Corina Machado, must also be allowed to return home quickly. Mr Rubio may want to keep her away from the negotiating table in order to make it easier to talk to the regime, but keeping her in exile is short-sighted. The regime needs confidence that any deal also binds Ms Machado, even if she negotiates through proxies, as she may well be Venezuela’s next president. Otherwise she could repudiate its possible terms, such as safe exile for regime figures (though she insists she is not out for revenge).
